- J. Kersey, "The Freeman on the Land Movement: Grass Roots Libertarianism in Action" (2010) 50 Legal Notes: http://www.libertarian.co.uk/lapubs/legan/legan050.htm
My review of the paper and its conclusion is largely favorable, though I should note that I approach this principally from a Canadian context, and that I have the advantage of several years of more 'history' than Professor Kersey.
One defect is that Kersey is not as aware of the geographic progression of the Freeman concepts, and how these are of Canadian origin. He does not, for example, identify the writings of Mary-Elizabeth: Croft (in particularly How I Clobbered Every Bureaucratic Cash-Confiscatory Agency Known to Man) as a foundational document in the movement, and Robert-Arthur: Menard's principle early role in the disseminating those ideas. Kersey also does not appear to recognize that the persons promoting these ideas are motivated by profit and that Freeman materials are a commercial product.
I agree, on an equally non-scientific basis, with his conclusion that the UK phenomenon is very closely associated with economically marginal individuals, particularly those who face reductions in social support.
What I think is particularly useful is Kersey's attempt to distill out what Freemen believe. He identifies five principle concepts:
I think this is a very useful restatement of the alleged origin of the notorious 'strawman' and the dichotomy of "common law" vs. "statute".1. The common law of England and Wales is universally applicable to those people (natural persons) within that jurisdiction. A natural person is endowed with a number of inalienable, God-given rights. That natural person is referred to as a Freeman on the Land.
2. By contrast, civil or statute law, the majority of which is considerably more recent in origin, is not universally applicable but instead, because of its commercial basis (in the law of the sea), rests upon a contract between two parties, the first party being the state, and the second party being the legal fiction representing a given individual.
3. The instrument that is held to represent a given individual entering into such a contract with the state is a birth certificate.
4. The validity of such a contract is questionable because the contract as represented by a birth certificate is entered into between a minor (who cannot validly contract) and the state, and because consent is therefore assumed rather than established.
5. It follows that if the contract is deemed void, it may be possible to separate the natural person (common law) from the legal fiction (civil law). As a result, whereas the birth certificate (as a piece of paper) is evidence of the legal fiction contracting with the state, that birth certificate is not the same as the natural person represented by the living individual.
Professor Kersey then proceeds to identify several mechanisms that Freemen believe allow one to 'detach' from the 'strawman':
As I am not very familiar with the UK variation on Freeman-on-the-Land belief I cannot comment with confidence on this previous statement, but if it is accurate, then the 'opting out' documentation in the UK has taken a markedly different direction than in Canada. I have never seen the first approach - every Canadian 'opt out' document I have encountered uses a simpler version of the second alternative. The "Notice of Fault and Opportunity to Cure" and "Notice of Default" documents are not, to the best of my knowledge, a feature of Canadian Freeman procedure. Instead it is at this point that Canadian Freemen introduce their "Fee Schedule".... it is proposed by some that it is possible to obtain documentary evidence of this separation between natural person and legal fiction by completing and serving a series of sworn affidavits upon the Queen . The first of these provides, inter alia, that the Queen has been unlawfully and falsely induced to give unlawful effect to legislation that has violated and continues to violate the Common Law, with the implication that the security and safety of the individual under the laws that are his or her inalienable birthright (under Common Law) are now threatened without prospect of redress, and that unless the Queen should dismiss the House of Commons and provide redress, then he or she will withhold all allegiance and obedience to the Crown and its representatives. A forty day period is provided for the Queen to act in the manner proposed. On the assumption that she does not, a second affidavit to be delivered after the forty days confirms the statements of the first and declares the person concerned to be subject solely to the Common Law.
An alternative proposal on similar lines involves serving a sworn affidavit to the Prime Minister that establishes the position of the individual as a Freeman and invites the Prime Minister to respond in rebuttal of the points made. On this not being done, a notarized Notice of Fault and Opportunity to Cure is sent, followed in the event of further non-response by a notarized Notice of Default. This last default statement is held to be a "bona fide lawfully binding agreement/contract" between the individual and the government that can then be produced to other public authorities in evidence of the same.
If Kersey's review is accurate this offers an interesting opportunity to monitor whether UK Freeman-on-the-Land concepts then return to Canada via the appearance of these UK motifs.
Also interesting is Kersey's attempt to evaluate response to the Freeman-on-the-Land phenomenon. He notes the ongoing battle online led by disgruntled ex-Freemen and the alleged infiltration of pro-state 'shills'.
Kersey anticipates organized state and court response, and to date is generally wrong on that point.
Last, speaking from a Libertarian viewpoint Kersey concludes the Freeman-on-the-Land phenomenon is a positive development, if for no other reason because it demonstrates persons attempting to assert their individual rights.
Absent from this paper is an attempt to critically evaluate the legal concepts adopted and applied by the Freemen. This is fair given that subject appears to fall outside Kersey's area of academic expertise. Also absent is Kersey's awareness of the violent potential of the Freeman-on-the-Land phenomenon, which probably is a consequence, at least in part, of his not apparently being aware at all of the U.S. Sovereign Citizen movement.
All that said, I think this kind of analysis and writing by academics is welcome, and I am particularly pleased by Professor Kersey's attempts to distill out the scheme being applied by the Freeman movement. To date I am quite dissatisfied with the limited commentary by Canadian academics on OPCA litigation and concepts, but that is the subject for a separate post at a later date.
As far as I could tell, Kersey's paper has not been cited by any other academic source, and has had minimal distribution online. That is unfortunate.
SMS Möwe