notorial dissent wrote:Sovrunidjitjibber wrote:But then again I don't know what I am talking about.
Probably the one statement you've made that is accurate, truthful, and that I can unreservedly agree with.
You are intellectually dishonest in the extreme and basically a coward. You bluster and you blather and yet will not answer simple questions.
You continue to exhibit your ignorance by going on about things that are not in the constitution when all that is really important is what IS in the final document. There were lots of things discussed and considered, but they were later discarded for various reasons, but in the end the were DISCARDED.
No shit it was discarded, because the founders did not want the federal government to emit bills of credit.
And yet here we are.
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James Madison, Journal of the Federal Convention, Vol.2, p.541
Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved to strike out, "and emit bills on the credit of the United States." If the United States had credit, such bills would be unnecessary; If they had not, unjust and useless.
Mr. BUTLER seconds the motion.
p.542
Mr. MADISON. Will it not be sufficient to prohibit the making them a tender? This will remove the temptation to emit them with unjust views. And promissory notes, in that Shape, may in some emergencies be best.
Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. Striking out the words will leave room still for notes of a responsible minister, which will do all the, good without the mischief. The moneyed interest will oppose the plan of government, if paper emissions be not prohibited.
Mr. GORHAM was for striking out without inserting any prohibition. If the words stand, they may suggest and lead to the measure.
Mr. MASON had doubts on the subject. Congress, he thought, would not have the power, unless it were expressed. Though he had a mortal hatred to paper-money, yet as he could not foresee all emergencies, he was unwilling to tie the hands of the Legislature. He observed that the late war could not have been carried on, had such a prohibition existed.
Mr. GORHAM. The power, as far as it will be necessary, or safe, is involved in that of borrowing.
Mr. MERCER was a friend to paper-money, though in the present state and temper of America, he should neither propose nor approve of such a measure. He was consequently opposed to a prohibition of it altogether. It will stamp suspicion on the Government, to deny it a discretion on this point. It was impolitic, also, to excite the opposition of all those who were friends to paper-money. The people of property would be sure to be on the side of the plan, and it was impolitic to purchase their further attachment with the loss of the opposite class of citizens.
p. 543
Mr. ELLSWORTH thought this a favourable moment, to shut and bar the door against paper-money. The mischiefs of the various experiments which had been made were now fresh in the public mind, and had excited the disgust of all the respectable part of America. By withholding the power from the new Government, more friends of influence would be gained to it than by almost anything else. Paper-money can in no case be necessary. Give the Government credit, and other resources will offer. The power may do harm, never good.
Mr. RANDOLPH, notwithstanding his antipathy to paper-money, could not agree to strike out the words, as he could not foresee all the occasions that might arise.
Mr. WILSON. It will have a most salutary influence on the credit of the United States, to remove the possibility of paper-money. This expedient can never succeed whilst its mischiefs are remembered. And as long as it can be resorted to, it will be a bar to other resources.
Mr. BUTLER remarked, that paper was a legal tender in no country in Europe. He was urgent for disarming the government of such a power.
Mr. MASON was still averse to tying the hands of the Legislature altogether. If there was no example in Europe, as just remarked, it might be observed, on the other side, that there was none in which the Government was restrained on this head.
Mr. READ thought the words, if not struck out, would be as alarming as the mark of the Beast in Revelation.
Mr. LANGDON had rather reject the whole plan, than retain the three words, "and emit bills."
On the motion for striking out,-
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye-9; New Jersey, Maryland, no-2.
The clause for borrowing money was agreed to, nem. con.
Adjourned.